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Power Corrupts the Best
by Mikhail Bakunin (1867)
The State is nothing else but this domination
and exploitation regularised and systemised. We shall attempt to demonstrate it by
examining the consequence of the government of the masses of the people by a minority, at
first as intelligent and as devoted as you like, in an ideal State, founded on a free
contract.
Suppose the government to be confined only to the best citizens. At first these citizens
are privileged not by right, but by fact. They have been elected by the people because
they are the most intelligent, clever, wise, and courageous and devoted. Taken from the
mass of the citizens, who are regarded as all equal, they do not yet form a class apart,
but a group of men privileged only by nature and for that reason singled out for election
by the people. Their number is necessarily very limited, for in all times and countries
the number of men endowed with qualities so remarkable that they automatically command the
unanimous respect of a nation is, as experience teaches us, very small. Therefore, under
pain of making a bad choice, the people will always be forced to choose its rulers from
amongst them.
Here, then, is society divided into two categories, if not yet to say two classes, of
which one, composed of the immense majority of the citizens, submits freely to the
government of its elected leaders, the other, formed of a small number of privileged
natures, recognised and accepted as such by the people, and charged by them to govern
them. Dependent on popular election, they are at first distinguished from the mass of the
citizens only by the very qualities which recommended them to their choice and are
naturally, the most devoted and useful of all. They do not yet assume to themselves any
privilege, any particular right, except that of exercising, insofar as the people wish it,
the special functions with which they have been charged. For the rest, by their manner of
life, by the conditions and means of their existence, they do not separate themselves in
any way from all the others, so that a perfect equality continues to reign among all. Can
this equality be long maintained? We claim that it cannot and nothing is easier to prive
it.
Nothing is more dangerous for man's private morality than the habit of command. The best
man, the most intelligent, disinterested, generous, pure, will infallibly and always be
spoiled at this trade. Two sentiments inherent in power never fail to produce this
demoralisation; they are: contempt for the masses and the overestimation of one's own
merits.
"The masses" a man says to himself, " recognising their incapacity to
govern on their own account, have elected me their chief. By that act they have publicly
proclaimed their inferiority and my superiority. Among this crowd of men, recognising
hardly any equals of myself, I am alone capable of directing public affairs. The people
have need of me; they cannot do without my services, while I, on the contrary, can get
along all right by myself; they, therefore, must obey me for their own security, and in
condescending to obey them, I am doing them a good turn.
Is there not something in all that to make a man lose his head and his heart as well, and
become mad with pride? It is thus that power and the habit of command become for even the
most intelligent and virtuous men, a source of aberration, both intellectual and moral. |